যতই করুন এসআইআর, বাংলা হবে না আপনাদের : মমতা বন্দ্যোপাধ্যায়

আজ নেতাজি ইন্ডোর স্টেডিয়ামে দলের বিএলএ ও বিএলএ-২দের বৈঠকে মমতা বন্দ্যোপাধ্যায়ের বক্তব্যের কিছু অংশ:

যতই করুন এসআইআর, বাংলা হবে না আপনাদের। এবার ওদের দিল্লি কেড়ে নেব!

এইরকম হোম মিনিস্টার দেখিনি। স্বৈরাচারী, দূরাচারী। তিনি টোটালটা কন্ট্রোল করছেন। প্রধানমন্ত্রীও কন্ট্রোল করেন না। আমার সন্দেহ আছে। প্রধানমন্ত্রীকেও উনিই কন্ট্রোল করেন। দেশটাকে উনিই কন্ট্রোল করেন। দাঙ্গাকারীরা যদি দেশ চালায়, সেই দেশটার কী হতে পারে! দেখতেই পাচ্ছেন। মাথায় বুদ্ধি আছে! জাতির জনকের নাম বাদ দিয়ে কী করল! রাম নাম। রাম নামের প্রতি আমার কোনও আপত্তি নেই। ওটা তো একটা মহাকাব্য। কিন্তু আমি দেখেছি হিন্দিভাষীরা যখন মৃতদেহ সৎকারের জন্য নিয়ে যায়, তখন ওরা বলে, ‘রাম নাম সত্য হ্যায়। আর কত যাবে বাংলার সম্মান? বিশ্বকবি, বিদ্যাসাগর, গান্ধীজিকে অসম্মানিত হতে হবে? বাংলা ভাষার অস্মিতাকে অসম্মানিত হতে হবে?

প্রতিদিন সকালে ঘুম থেকে উঠে বিজেপির অফিস থেকে যা বলে দেওয়া হচ্ছে, তা-ই চেঞ্জ করা হচ্ছে। আমি শুনেছি নির্বাচন কমিশনের অফিসে বিজেপি একটা এজেন্ট রেখে দিয়েছে। সে অনলাইনে যাঁর ইচ্ছে নাম বাতিল লিখছে। পুরো লিস্টটা করে দিচ্ছে বিজেপির পার্টির লোকেরা। এমন নির্লজ্জ কমিশন আমি জীবনে দেখিনি, দেখতেও চাই না।

এখন আবার এআই (ব্যবহার) করেছে শুনলাম। ধরুন আমার নাম মমতা বন্দ্যোপাধ্যায়। আমি যখন ভোট দিতে গেলাম, দেখলাম এআই-এ আর একটা নাম মমতা বন্দ্যোপাধ্যায় তুলে রেখে দিয়েছে। অর্থাৎ আমি ভোটটা দিতে পারলাম না। তাঁর নামে ভোটটা চলে গেল। বুদ্ধি খরচ করুন।

আরও দেড় কোটি নাম নাকি বাদ দিতে হবে। বিজেপির খোকাবাবুদের আবদার।

বিএলও-দের নামে গালাগালি দেওয়ার আগে ট্রেনিং দিয়েছিলেন? পুরোটাই অপরিকল্পিত। বিজেপির কথায় বিজেপি কমিশন করেছেন। যত কেস করবেন, করবেন। চাইলে গলাটাও কেটে নিতে পারেন। কিন্তু আমি মানুষের কথা বলব। কাউকে না কাউকে তো মুখ খুলতে হবে। সবাই যদি ভয়ে গুটিয়ে যায়, তা হলে তো দেশটাই শেষ হয়ে যাবে। বাংলা না থাকলে, দেশটা থাকবে না। মাথায় রাখবেন।

এর দায় কার! নির্বাচন কমিশন ৪৬ জন লোকের প্রাণ নিয়েছ। বিএলও-দের দোষ নয়, দোষ তোমাদের। দায়িত্ব নিতে হবে। ডিলিমিটেশনে ঠিকানা বদলেছে, (তার জন্য নাম) বাতিল। বিয়ে হয়ে অন্য বাড়িতে গিয়েছে, তাতেও বাতিল। বাংলা ও ইংরেজিতে নামের বানানে ফারাক রয়েছে, তা-ও বাতিল। এই অধিকার কে দিল?

২০০২ সালকে ভিত্তি করে নাম, অংশ নম্বর, ক্রমিক সংখ্যা খোঁজার ক্ষেত্রে কোনও অ্যাপ নেই। ফলে বহু বৈধ ভোটারকে হয়রান হতে হচ্ছে। ক’টা লোক এপিক নম্বর খুঁজে বার করতে পারে! অনেক ক্ষেত্রেই দেখা গিয়েছে ২০০২ সালের এপিক নম্বরের সঙ্গে বর্তমান এপিক নম্বরের কোনও সামঞ্জস্য নেই। এটা কি ক্রিমিনাল অফেন্স নয়! অপরিকল্পিত, বেআইনি, অসংবিধানিক এবং অগণতান্ত্রিক।

কেন্দ্রীয় সরকারের অনেককে নিয়োগ করা হয়েছে। প্রত্যেক এলাকায় খবর রাখুন তো, কাকে কাকে নিয়োগ করা হয়েছে। তাঁরা কোন দফতরে কাজ করেন, কোথায় থাকেন। আমরা ডিটেলস চাই। আমি তাঁদের সহযোগিতা করব, কিন্তু আমার ডিটেলস চাই। এটা রাজ্যকে জিজ্ঞেস করে করেনি। নির্বাচন কমিশন ইচ্ছা করে করছে।

প্রাণ দিয়ে, জীবন দিয়ে বিজেপিকে রুখতে হবে। আমি বিশ্বাস করি, নেতারা পারবে না-কর্মীরা পারবে। এই লড়াই আমাদের বাঁচার লড়াই। এ লড়াই আমাদের জিততেই হবে।

নির্বাচন কমিশন এক বারও কি ভেবেছেন? ভ্যানিশকুমারবাবুরা, বিজেপির দালালেরা একবারও ভেবেছেন?

এবার পিকনিক হবে না। পিকনিক একেবারে ২০২৬-এর জয়ের পর হবে। চূড়ান্ত ভোটার তালিকা প্রকাশের দিন ১৪ ফেব্রুয়ারি। তার আগে কাজ করে যেতে হবে। কোন বৈধ ভোটারের নাম ওঠেনি- বুথ স্তরে তার বিস্তারিত খোঁজ নিতে হবে। প্রয়োজনে বাড়ি-বাড়ি গিয়ে তথ্য সংগ্রহ করতে হবে

Mitali Bag’s Supplementary Question on the reasons for less than 40% applicants receiving the National Overseas Scholarship for tribal students

Sir, thank you for giving me the opportunity to speak. Approximately 20 scholarships are awarded each year under this scheme. Is such a limited number of scholarships justifiable for a national-level programme? Further, in the academic year 2025–26, less than 40 per cent of the selected underprivileged students received their national scholarship funds within the stipulated time. Through you, I would like to ask the Hon. Minister to clarify the reasons for this serious delay and to inform the House of the current status of the disbursement of the pending scholarship funds.

Derek O’Brien’s speech on The Viksit Bharat – Guarantee for Rozgar and Ajeevika Mission (Gramin): VB – G RAM G (विकवित भारत – जी राम जी) Bill, 2025

Rush, 14th September 2020 and 20th September, 2020. On 14th September, Bill introduced in Lok Sabha and passed on 17th September! On 20th September, it was passed in Rajya Sabha. Six days – rush, rush and rush! Opposition wanted the Bill to go to the Select Committee. Hell with the Opposition, pass the Bill! These were the Farm Bills. Eight MPs sat outside for 24 hours. The Farm Bills! This Government of Mr. Modi – Shah rushed the Farm Bills. What happened after that? Sir, 750 people were killed. Farmers protested for a year and the same Government quietly came, chupke-chupke, with no discussion and repealed the Bills. It is this Government, they are rushing the Bills tonight. On 29th November, 2021, the Farm Bills were repealed. First, I said “rush”, then I said “repeal”. They would do the same thing again. But before that, I challenge them to face the referendum. Do not wait for two years. Come in the Monsoon Session. You have brought this Bill. Rush! And, then, you repeal that Bill! Now, you will come in the Budget Session. You are going to elections in three States where you have non-BJP Governments–DMK in Tamil Nadu, Kerala, and in Bengal. Come and fight the elections in these three States; lose all three States. Come back, I challenge you and you resign as Prime Minister. Out you go, because this is a referendum on these Bills. Come! You will lose. You will not lose in Bengal, you will be annihilated in Bengal. What did you do yesterday and at 1.07 p.m., today? You passed the Bill in Lok Sabha. At 1.11 p.m., today, something happened! This Government stopped the MGNREGA Scheme in Bengal. Bengal started its own Scheme, ‘Karmashree’, to provide employment to job-card holders. This year, every job-card holder got 75 days of work. Next year, it will be 100 days of work. Today, at 1.09 p.m., the Chief Minister of West Bengal changed the name of her Scheme, ‘Karmashree’ and named it, the Mahatma Gandhi Karmashree Scheme. What is the content of this Bill without going into Clause-by-Clause? …(Interruptions)… Please listen. The scheme has got a name. Listen to a speech that you want to debate till 2’o clock, 4’o clock and 6’o clock. No opposition MP has withdrawn from the debate. BJP has withdrawn 15 speakers from the debate! The Bill comes from a feudal mindset. Their mindset is feudal. MGNREGA was a right. It was a right. Now, they want to dish it out as a doll before polls. It is a right and it is not a gift. It is not a gift. It is not workers dependent on the benevolence of the State. No; Sir. What they are doing in this new Bill? It is killing MGNREGA; forget Mahatma Bill. Listen to this! They are going to be the biggest losers. For the last five years, over 50 per cent of the work is done by women. In many States, women comprise 90 per cent of the workforce. This supplements their household income to keep their children in school. It is because the labour market usually prefers men. MGNREGA was the first time that started pay parity for women. Then, let us build on the struggles and sacrifices. of theirs. The switch-off Clause, that is also the feudal mindset. Union will make all the decisions. The State will budget the scheme. It will be implemented in a State, but the State has no right to decide. This is feudal. Blackout for two months! Let the hon. Minister tell me whether he has any data to prove that those two months, when the workers are not available, will not get a chance. This strengthens the workers’ rights to ask for better wages. It rationalizes the labour market. About MGNREGA, I am hearing from yesterday that it was a UPA legislation; it was a Congress legislation. No; Sir. It was a legislation that came out of the people’s movement. I am sitting here and I am telling you with conviction. It came out of the people’s movement. Let us dwell a little on federalism and how this legislation will hurt federalism. The irony is that the current hon. Prime Minister and the hon. Minister who is moving this Bill, between them they have spent 29 years as Chief Ministers of their States. 29 years! You talk about transparency! If it is transparency, then, why no MGNREGA funds from March 9, 2022? If you are talking about transparency, prior to the suspension of the funds there, 1.37 crore rural households were receiving employment. Fifty-nine lakh registered workers in Bengal were receiving employment. Sir, Rs.52,000 crores is owed to Bengal. These are the real issues. And what is the Opposition asking for? We are asking for reasonable… Don’t pass this Bill like this, in the dead of night; Manipur, 4.00 a.m., now, 2.00 a.m.; nocturnal devious games. We are very reasonable. Take this Bill to a Select Committee. Let the Select Committee come back by 15th of January and report. This is Bill’s scrutiny. Sir, my time. … Thank you, Sir. Give me some extra time. This is literature, “On a cold evening in January, 1948, religious hatred claimed the life of a pleader for love. On 30th January, the assassin, Nathuram Godse pumped three fatal bullets into Gandhi as the Mahatma walked towards the prayer meeting at Birla House in New Delhi.” Sir, I cannot re-write history. “The hate he had battled all his life, proved too powerful for even a Mahatma.” I did not write those words in my book. My accomplished colleague, Shrimati Sagarika Ghose wrote in her book. Sir, this Bill kills the original objective of MGNREGA. If you ask anybody to sum up MGNREGA in three words, they are, ‘guarantee’, — this Bill washes it away– ‘livelihood’, –this Bill washes it away– ‘security’ — this Bill washes it away. I was going back to that fateful evening of 1948.

Dola Sen’s speech on The Viksit Bharat – Guarantee for Rozgar and Ajeevika Mission (Gramin): VB – G RAM G (विकवित भारत – जी राम जी) Bill, 2025

Sir, What was the name! MGNREGA (Mahatma Gandhi National Rural Employment Guarantee Act), meaning the Mahatma Gandhi National Rural Employment Guarantee law. In short, a guarantee of at least 100 days of work and income in a year. What has the name become now? Viksit Bharat Rural Employment and Livelihood Mission Guarantee Bill, VB G RAM G.” Even at the moment of his death, only one word came from his mouth-“Hey Ram!” During the Swachh Bharat campaign, they replaced Mahatma Gandhi with only his spectacles. Now, they are removing Mahatma Gandhi entirely, spectacles and all. The VB G RAM G scheme is the same. Now, along with removing Mahatma Gandhi’s name, the scheme has been downsized; eventually, the entire scheme will be abolished, that is the direction they are moving in. We are grateful to our respected leader, the Chief Minister of Bengal, Ms. Mamata Banerjee. Just today, at the Business Conclave in Kolkata, she said that as a citizen of this country, she is ashamed. We are all ashamed, Sir. Furthermore, she stated that in our state of Bengal, the “Karmashree” project, which guarantees 50 days of work per year, has been launched entirely by the State Government; she will change its name to “Mahatmasree. Of course, it is not just Gandhi ji; the Modi camp even removed the name of Sardar Vallabhbhai Patel from the Ahmedabad stadium to put their own names. In reality, they always want to remove those who were freedom fighters and those who contributed to the country, whether it is Vallabhbhai Patel or Gandhi ji. Moreover, it was the pride of our nation, the world-poet Rabindranath Tagore, who gave Mahatma Gandhi the title of “Mahatma.” By removing Mahatma Gandhi’s name, the Modi camp has also insulted the great poet Rabindranath Tagore. In this new Bill that is to become law, they say that instead of 100 days, 125 days of work guarantee will be provided, and up to 150 days in tribal (ST) or drought-affected areas. Hearing this, it sounds like “Ah, these are the Achhe Din (good days), this is Atmanirbhar Bharat (Selfreliant India), this is Viksit Bharat (Developed India)!” But what is the reality behind this? Until now, the Union Government paid 90% to 100% of the wage costs for the 100 days of work. Now, the States will have to pay 40%. And in Northeast India and hilly regions, the State Government will have to pay 10%. Yet, the Central Government will allocate funds for the States based on its own yardsticks. Previously, State Governments would send the labour numbers and budgets to the Centre based on their own planning and estimated work demand, and the Centre would provide funds accordingly. Now, “Ram” will run in reverse, a Bengali proverb, meaning that it will be top-down. We have said before that if the funding is 60%-40%, then, the project should be called “Pradhan Mantri Mukhyomontri Prokolpo” (PMCM Project) or “Central-State Scheme.” Forget the Chief Minister or the State, even Mahatma Gandhi is excluded, but the State must provide 40% of the money! What kind of democracy, what kind of federalism is this? Our pending dues of ₹52,000 crore for Bengal, which have been owed for four or five years, are not being paid despite the High Court and Supreme Court’s orders. This is the “Modi hai to mumkinhai” Government. How wonderful! What joy! ‘I don’t follow the High Court, I don’t follow the Supreme Court, I don’t even follow Mahatma Gandhi.’ Sir, during the farming season, this fund allocation will be stopped so that there is no shortage of agricultural labour. Truly, in such a large country of 1.5 billion people, what jobs we have! There is no employment, truly it is unbearable. Earlier, the Prime Minister ridiculed MGNREGA saying it was just about digging dirt. Now, the Modi camp has decided they won’t even keep this “unnecessary” dirt-digging work anymore. Victory to the Treasury bench, victory to the Union Government! Sir, this law was created for the Right to Life and the Right to Livelihood. Now, there is neither protection of life and livelihood nor any accountability toward social justice. I would like to say that the Parliament cannot repeal a right-based welfare law and replace it with an Executivecontrolled scheme while retaining the language of guarantee. This Bill, unfortunately, converts a constitutional promise into a conditional right revocable at the discretion of the Union Government. Previously under the MGNREGA scheme, anyone without work could demand work for at least 100 days a year. Every year, 5 crore citizens received this work without any conditions. Now, by ending that and bringing in this new V BG RAM G, the Union Government alone will decide which State will have this work, where it won’t happen, and which areas of a state will be excluded. The “Honourable ones” will decide which 60 days of the year, work cannot be given due to rain or other reasons. And if a poor State cannot provide the 40% share, democracy stops, work stops, and poor people won’t get that work. The Modi camp is going to kill MGNREGA. We demand that this Bill be sent to a Select Committee. Otherwise, the people of this country will not allow it to be implemented; they will not, they will not, they will not. We believe that if the farmers, agricultural labourers, and sharecroppers of this country fight unitedly, then, just like the Farm Bills, the Modi camp will be forced to revoke this law as well. After wasting three weeks, in the final three days, they are bringing 100% FDI in the insurance sector and blatant privatization in the nuclear energy sector, this is very unfortunate. It is alarming for the country and condemnable. Before this, they privatized 74% in key sectors like defence. All Central PSUs are being privatized. The Old Pension Scheme is stopped. Nothing is in the hands of the Government; everything is in private hands. Now, even the work for those who cannot afford to eat is being stopped. By passing Bills in the middle of the night and the early hours of the morning, they are reaching the pinnacle of. In the morning, poor working people will wake up and find that their right to work has vanished. They will not forgive you.

Ritabrata Banerjee’s speech on The Viksit Bharat – Guarantee for Rozgar and Ajeevika Mission (Gramin): VB – G RAM G (विकवित भारत – जी राम जी) Bill, 2025

Thank you Sir, I stand here on the behalf of my party AITC to firmly oppose both the renaming of the Bill and the replacing of the MGNREGA Act by VB-G RAM G Bill 2025. In 2005, the NREGA was enacted revolutionizing rural India’s idea of livelihood security. In 2009, on the occasion of Gandhi Jayanti, this scheme was named MGNREGA, based on the vision and concept of rural self-reliance of the Father of the Nation, Mahatma Gandhi. After 16 years, why do you suddenly want to change its name? Have you discussed this with the opposition? Have you taken the opinions of the state Governments? Have you sought the views of civil society? You have not. In fact, when one possesses a * mentality or a * attitude, such consultations are not expected and naturally, you haven’t conducted them. In 2015, in the Lok Sabha, Sir, we heard. This statement, which we heard in 2015, was made by none other than the hon. Prime Minister of our country, Shri Narendra Modi. You haven’t been able to defeat us in Bengal in the last six elections. Out of that frustration, the frustration of not being able to win elections in Bengal, you have withheld our funds and are trying to starve the people of Bengal. This is our rightful money, our earned money, our just money, it is not an act of mercy, nor a favour, nor charity. This is not anyone’s family property; it is the money of the people of Bengal that you have withheld. Until 2022, we were the top-performing state. 1.37 crore rural families were receiving work through this scheme. You were defeated in 2021, and in 2022, you blocked the funds and stopped the payments. You have withheld the money of our 59 lakh people who worked and shed their sweat to earn it. You will receive an answer for withholding their money. Honouring the dignity of labour is not in your nature. You do not know how to respect labour. The people of Bengal have the power to demand an answer for stealing the rightful money of the poor. You will realize this when the election results are out. 52 thousand crore rupees, Sir! Not one or two rupees-we are owed 52 thousand crore rupees. And, Sir, I must point out, Sir, the funding pattern of the Bill. Previously, it was 90:10, that the Union Government provided 90% and the State Government 10%. Now, without any discussion or consultation, you have made it so that the State must provide 40%. Furthermore, any amount spent beyond what the Union Government has allocated to the State would have to be borne entirely by the State. This is an attack on federalism. You are attacking the federal structure. You have given a mandatory 60 days off period. The ones who want to work, you are forcing 60 days of forced unemployment on them. This attack on the federal structure has reached such an extreme that though the National Level Steering Committee has been formed to determine which State gets employment, yet, there is not a single representative from the States on this committee. Nothing could be more unfortunate or more condemnable than this. Sir, in the recent judgment, the Kolkata High Court directed the Union Government to resume MGNREGA operations in West Bengal by 1st August 2025. Instead of complying with the order, the Union Government challenged it before the hon. Supreme Court, which dismissed the petition and allowed the High Court’s directions to stand. Despite this clear legal position, MGNREGA work has not been restored, and pending dues have not been released. Instead, you have imposed around 50 special conditions on West Bengal through a new order! Sir, in the absence of Central fund support, the Government of West Bengal, led by Mamata Banerjee, through the “Karmashree” Scheme, provides alternative employment opportunities to job card holders and pays wages to approximately 51 lakh workers from its own resources. Karmashree existed until now. Today, our State’s hon. Chief Minister has announced that Karmashree no longer exists in that name. Its name is now the Mahatma Gandhi Scheme. The Father of the Nation believed that the dignity of labour is the foundation of freedom. By renaming Karmashree in the honour of Mahatama Gandhi, Shrimati Mamata Banerjee aligns governance with timeless principle. This step reflects a commitment to Gandhian values in practice, where the work is respected, labour is honoured and public policy remains people centric. This is how history is respected, not re-written. Sir, the wages could have been increased, but they weren’t. No one stopped you from increasing the wages. This bill must go to a Parliamentary Committee for scrutiny. Given your track record, we insist it be sent there. Sir, I stand here to oppose this Bill on behalf of my party. And under the leadership of Ms. Mamata Banerjee and Shri Abhishek Banerjee, the people of Bengal will oppose this across every path and corner of the state. In 1915, when Mohandas Karamchand Gandhi went to Shantiniketan after returning from South Africa, the world’s poet, Rabindranath Tagore, was the first to address him as ‘Mahatma’. Subsequently, through various letters and writings, the name ‘Mahatma Gandhi’ spread throughout the entire country. By removing his name, you are not only insulting ‘Mahatma Gandhi,’ but you are also insulting one of India’s greatest men and the greatest Bengali of a thousand years, Rabindranath Tagore. It does not surprise us that those who worship the ones who pierced the chest of the Father of the Nation with bullets on January 30, 1948, would seek to remove Mahatma Gandhi’s name. We know, Sir,… One must learn from the writing on the wall; one must observe the wall, and when one’s back is against the wall, one must write across the entire wall. You have pushed the people of Bengal with their backs against the wall. The people of Bengal are waiting for the elections. When the elections take place, the world’s poet and the greatest Bengali of a thousand years has taught us-‘Those who are poisoning your air and extinguishing your light—have you forgiven them? Have you loved them?’ The people of Bengal will not forgive you, and there is no question of love. You will receive a fitting reply in the elections. Let this Bill be sent to the Committee for scrutiny. Jai Hind! Vande Mataram! Joy Bangla!

Nadimul Haque’s Point of Order on how a Bill cannot be discussed in the House unless it was approved by the Business Advisory Committee

Sir, I have a point of order. Sir, under Rule 33(1). Sir, Rule 33 (1) says that it shall be the function of the Committee to recommend — that is the Business Advisory Committee — the time that should be allotted for the discussion of stage or stages of such Government Bills and other business as the Chairman in consultation with the Leader of the Council may direct for being referred to the Committee. Sir, there has been no BAC meeting. How can we take up the Bill? No time was allotted in the BAC meeting.

Sagarika Ghose’s speech on The Sustainable Harnessing and Advancement of Nuclear Energy for Transforming India (SHANTI) Bill, 2025

Mr. Vice-Chairman, Sir, on behalf of my party, All India Trinamool Congress, I rise to speak on the Sustainable Harnessing and Advancement of Nuclear Energy for Transforming India Bill, 2025, the so-called SHANTI Bill. Sir, this Bill brings neither shanti nor security. It brings ashanti, brings Bipod, it brings khatra, it brings grave danger. This Bill brings danger, disguised as development; cronyism, disguised as reform; surrender, disguised as strategy. This Bill is not just flawed. This Bill is fundamentally dangerous. Let me be clear. We are not debating whether India should pursue nuclear energy. As the hon. Member before me said, ‘India has always pursued nuclear energy responsibly for decades’. India has always been a responsible nuclear State. But, as a country, are we now prepared to abdicate our sovereign responsibility, gamble with public safety, and place one of the most sensitive sectors of the nation at the mercy of crony capitalism and Government-friendly oligarchs, as well as foreign pressure? Sir, this Bill is not a reform; it is recklessness. This Bill is not for the public; it is for profit. This Bill is not about sovereignty; it is about surrender. The ruling party must also remember that you, Mr. Minister, once accused Dr. Manmohan Singh Government of a sell-out on the Civil Nuclear Deal, on the Indo-US Civil Nuclear Deal. Today, forget sell-out, you are rushing through this crucial Bill without any parliamentary oversight. That is why you are rushing through this Bill. Sir, the Government wants to produce 100 GWs of nuclear power capacity by 2047, under the Viksit Bharat programme. But, the way it is trying to do this is through privatization; in fact, the oligarchization of nuclear power. Privatization can be benign if there is a level playing field, if there are checks, if it is open for all. But, in the name of privatisation, this Government consistently promotes oligarchization, the rule of the oligarchs. The SHANTI Bill removes restrictions on private entry by allowing any company or person authorized by the Central Government to establish and operate a nuclear installation. This is a huge policy shift, as was pointed out, and ends seven decades of State exclusivity over nuclear power. Let’s admit that the scale of investment needed for setting up such an industry can only be undertaken by the high-profile cronies of this Government. And, the question arises, is cronyism the reason why this Government is paving the way for them? Why not go in for public-private partnership instead? And we all know, Sir, who this Government’s favourite oligarchs are. From the vision of the father of our nuclear programme, Homi J. Bhabha, to the resolve shown at both Pokhran 1 and 2, India’s nuclear programme has always been deliberately kept under public control. This is because nuclear power can be so deadly, so deadly, that the cost of failure is absolute. One mistake can poison the land, the water, and lives for generations to come. Nuclear energy is not a normal commercial activity. It is not telecom, it is not aviation, it is not even defence manufacturing. It is a strategic national asset, asset bound up with national security, and the risks are existential for humankind. The risks are catastrophic. Should profit maximisation and cost-cutting be the aim of such a sector? At the core of the Bill is a highly diluted liability regime, a reworked liability framework under Chapter III, which caps the maximum compensation for any single nuclear incident with the operator’s liability, limited to installation-specific ceilings, set out in the second schedule. So, the Doctrine of Absolute Liability held by the Supreme Court in the 1984 Bhopal Gas Disaster is being limited. The Bill repeals the existing Civil Liability for Nuclear Damage (CLND) Act of 2010, uprooting decades-old legal protections around nuclear accidents, weakening accountability for suppliers. The liability cap, 300 million Special Drawing Rights or SDR, a few hundred million US dollars or ₹3,900 crore, is absurdly insufficient compared to the catastrophic cost of a major nuclear accident. As per the SHANTI Bill, the sovereign top-up is discretionary in form and fund design, not automatic, in comparison to what existed under the CLND Act. This means that beyond the limit of ₹3,900 crore as per the second schedule, the Government will be liable. And, this is discretionary in function. The liability is discretionary! The Clause is, thus, highly regressive, as compensation beyond the given amount becomes optional, leaving communities and victims helpless. The citizens of India will be rendered helpless. Nuclear disasters take place on a vast scale, Sir. In the 1986 Chernobyl Catastrophe, the property damage was $7 Billion, with 350,000 people resettled. In the Fukushima Daiichi Disaster of 2011, the cleanup and compensation cost $180 billion, with 160,000 temporarily or permanently evacuated. So, why this cap on liability, given the high urban population density around sites like Tarapur and Kudankulam? The 2010 Act clearly defined the operator as a Government or Government company and allowed “right of recourse”, Section 17, against suppliers for defective components. The SHANTI Bill redefines operators to include any company and allows liability transfer via contract, making supplier liability voluntary. The SHANTI Bill shifts liability and recourse rules towards contract rather than statute, meaning, suppliers can be insulated by fine print in contract and victims’ ability to seek redress becomes uncertain. This is because contracts will be negotiated from an unequal bargaining position. It is terribly unfair to the potential victims. But you only understand the language of profit, not the language of the people. Profit and nuclear safety cannot coexist, Sir. One rewards cost cutting, the other demands zero tolerance for error. These are irreconcilable philosophies. And, the helpless Indian citizen will pay the price. Nuclear accidents are not imaginary fears. Chernobyl was not the result of mere technical failure, it was weak oversight and political pressure to prioritize output over safety. As a result, human lives were destroyed for generations. For generations, human lives were destroyed. Nuclear radiation does not negotiate. Nuclear radiation does not forgive. Nuclear radiation does not respect contracts and corporate liability clauses. We still remember the photo of the lifeless baby lying in the Bhopal mud. SHANTI removes explicit acknowledgement of long-term radiation injury and allows the Government to exempt facilities deemed “insignificant risk.” This is a violation, Sir, of the ILO Convention no. 115 on radiation protection. The Bill also reflects a blind and obsessive push for nuclear expansion, without adequate debate on alternatives or consequences. India is blessed with solar, wind, hydro and storage potential. A responsible energy transition demands balance, not fixation on the one source. Energy security cannot come at the cost of human security. When safety audits slow down profits, which one will be sacrificed, Sir? Which one will be sacrificed? Safety audits, or, profits? When maintenance budgets threaten balance sheets, what will be cut? When emergency preparedness looks expensive, who will take responsibility? The global trend is to strengthen and not weaken safety norms. But this Bill, Mr. Minister, is going in the opposite direction to what the global trend is. But the real shocker of the Bill is this. This sudden enthusiasm for opening India’s nuclear sector coincides very conveniently with the intense foreign pressure, particularly from the United States, to allow private and foreign companies’ access to India’s nuclear market. Under the existing DPIIT FDI Policy, private entities in atomic energy can attract up to 49 per cent foreign investment. By removing the “Government company only” clause, the SHANTI Bill enables such FDI. This is startling. Will foreign entities now gain control over one of the most strategic resources of our country? Is India’s nuclear law being rewritten to suit foreign commercial interests? Is Parliament being asked to legalize what was politically promised abroad? Is national policy being shaped to please Washington rather than protect the citizens of India? We must again remember the slogan, shouted with great enthusiasm by the leader of this Government, “Abki baar Trump Sarkar”. That is what their motto is, “Abki baar Trump Sarkar”. This Bill cannot be rushed through Parliament. This Bill requires discussion. It requires extensive inputs from stakeholders. It requires a long legislative process. It is a shame that the Prime Minister is not in the House when this crucial Bill is being discussed. Citizens of India’s lives are at stake. Existentially, humankind is at stake. Nuclear radiation is a possible fallout. How can this Bill be passed? How can this Bill be rushed through Parliament with four hours’ notice, with a four-hour debate? It cannot happen, Sir. This Bill has to be thought about more. There have to be more discussions. There have to be greater consultations with stakeholders. Otherwise, the lives of the citizens of India are at stake. The lives of helpless citizens of India are at stake. Sir, I want to point out to you one important fact here that the nuclear installations that exist in our country are all in tribal areas, in the tribal regions. Nuclear mining, primarily, for uranium, significantly impacts tribal regions, globally, notably, in India’s Jharkhand, in the Jadugoda area, where indigenous communities — Santhal, Munda, Ho — suffer severe health crises like cancers, deformities, and contaminated water from mining. Are we going to let these helpless vulnerable communities be at the mercy of profit maximization of oligarchs? Is that what we are trying to do here? This Bill cannot go through in this shoddy, rushed manner. It needs much greater deliberation, much greater discussion. I would urge the Minister who is sitting here, to please, please rethink about it. The lives of Indians are at stake. The lives of citizens are at stake. This Bill must not go through in this form. We need greater discussion. Thank you, Sir. Jai Hind; Vande Mataram; Jai Bangla.

Mausam Noor’s Supplementary Question on the reasons for the Union government’s not instituting climate-specific independent scientific assessments for centrally-protected monuments

Thank you, Mr. Chairman, Sir, for giving me this opportunity. The UNFCCC’s 2024 Report on loss and damage recognize cultural heritage as facing both irreversible loss from extreme climate events and slow-onset deterioration due to changing rainfall, humidity, and sea level patterns, requiring new scientific methodologies and policy responses. In this context, why has the Ministry not instituted climate-specific independent scientific assessments for Centrally-protected monuments? Thank you, Sir.

Saket Gokhale’s Supplementary Question on the vetting mechanism and liability for the private players being involved by the Union government in conservation work

Hon. Chairman, Sir, there are recent reports which have come out indicating a major policy shift where private entities, who have been given a lot of these spaces, may be allowed to undertake core conservation work effectively ending the Archaeological Survey of India’s century-old monopoly on preservation. Sir, a lot of these private companies, maybe either cement companies or steel companies, do not have any expertise when it comes to conservation. So, my specific question to the hon. Minister is: Does the Government have any vetting mechanism to prevent amateur restoration jobs done by unqualified archeologists, and, also, what is the liability for private players doing conservation work, in case they cause any damage to our heritage structure.

Mamata Thakur’s Zero Hour mention on the demand for a Bengal regiment

Sir, I thank you for allowing me to speak during Zero Hour. Two Bengali heroes, Rash Behari Bose and Subhas Chandra Bose formed the Indian National Army (INA) to liberate India and played a leading role in ousting British rule. The Cellular Jail in the Andamans stands as a testament to the armed revolution in Bengal and the courage of its people during the freedom struggle. Out of the 585 prisoners detained there, 398 were Bengali revolutionaries. However, it is regrettable that there is no Bengali Regiment in the army of independent India. This implies that the national hero, Subhas Chandra Bose, has no regiment of his own. It is ironic that during British rule, there was a Bengali Regiment in the army during the First World War, but it does not exist in independent India today. While Hindi-speaking candidates can take examinations in Hindi, Bengali youths cannot take them in the Bengali language. Despite this barrier, 54,871 Bengalis are currently serving in the Indian Army. New regiments have been formed in independent India, such as the Naga Regiment and Ladakh Scouts in 1970, and the Sikkim Scouts in 2013. The Naga Regiment has only about 2,400 personnel. If a Bengali Regiment is created, lakhs of eligible Bengali youths will get the opportunity to serve Mother India through the army. The descendants of Subhas Chandra Bose, Khudiram Bose, Matangini Hazra, and Surya Sen are ready to dedicate themselves to national security. The absence of a Bengali Regiment in the army of independent India is deeply disappointing. Why has the Union Government not formed a Bengali Regiment? What is the Union Government’s future plan regarding this matter? Do you wish to know more details about the historic 49th Bengali Regiment of the First World War, or regarding the representation of other regiment-based units? Our demand is simply that a regiment be created for us Bengalis. Thank you, Sir.