Ritabrata Banerjee’s speech on the national anthem during the Special Discussion on the 75th anniversary of adoption of the Constitution of India

Thank you, Sir, for giving me this opportunity. The discussion on the ‘Glorious Journey of 75 years of our Constitution’ will be incomplete without mentioning of a true polymath. He died almost a decade ago before we adopted our Constitution and declared ourselves as a Republic, his profound and deep impact on majority of the Members of the Constituent Assembly in general and on the country as a whole is an integral part of recorded history. A man of distinctive appearance, an accomplished musician and artist, an electric philosopher, and a passionate political activist, Rabindranath Tagore read out a five stanza poem in 1911 at a political session in Kolkata. The poem envisaged the inclusive idea of India. On 24th of January 1950, the Constituent Assembly adopted the first stanza of the poem as our National Anthem. The rest of the four stanzas are equally important, and today I will, here in this august House, mention about the four stanzas. The four stanzas in 1911 were read out in the Calcutta Session. Tagore said and I quote the following lines: *“You call us to unite, day and night, Hindus and Buddhists, Jains and Sikhs, Parsis, Muslims and Christians meet From East and West your throne above We move to weave a garland of love You the guardian of India’s destiny Victory to you, victory to you, victory to you.” “Through rugged paths that rise and fall Your pilgrims have traversed them all Oh Charioteer the roar of your wheels Echo day and night On the trail we tread The clarion call of your sacred conch Saves us from riot, despair, and dread You the shield of India’s fate Victory forever to you, Victory forever to you, Victory forever to you.” “When the night was dark and utterly bleak When our land lay in the fevered swoon, O loving Mother, you held us close and shielded us from time’s morose. You the remover of all agony The guardian of our destiny Victory forever to you.” Sir, I crave your indulgence. Half a minute more. “The darkness of the night is done Now watch the glory of the rising Sun As India awakes You the Lord of mighty Lords Your glory we shall always applaud The remover of all agony Guardian of our destiny Victory forever to you.” Tagore’s idea of India and our Constitution has always emphasized, ‘We, the people’. Our Constitution is a fight between monologue and dialogue. Dialogue will always defeat monologue. Eternal glory, eternal victory to dialogue, eternal glory, eternal victory to our Constitution – Ever onward to victory!

Sagarika Ghose’s speech on ‘Sovereignty’, as mentioned in the Preamble, during the Special Discussion on the 75th anniversary of adoption of the Constitution of India

Hon. Mr. Deputy Chairman, Sir, India is constituted as a Sovereign Republic. That is the Preamble of our Constitution. ‘Sovereign’ means independent legitimate rule. India is a Sovereign Independent country, but in a democracy, it is the citizen who is sovereign. The citizen is the ruler. All these times, from the Treasury Benches, we hear Jawaharlal Nehruji, Indira Gandhiji and court cases. We do not hear how this Government intends to uphold the sovereignty of the citizen, which is the prime teaching of the Constitution. Articles 19 to 22 establish the individual freedoms of every citizen. Articles 23 to 24 establish the citizen’s right against exploitation and coercion. Articles 25 to 28 establish freedom of conscience and freedom of religion for every citizen. But, is the sovereignty of the citizen being upheld today? No, Sir; it is not. When free speech is stamped out, when writers are charged with sedition, the citizen is not sovereign. When a Government is dictating to citizens what to wear, what to eat, who to marry, what to think, what to read, what to write, what movies to see, the citizen is not sovereign. When Gau Rakshaks attack and kill those who eat a certain kind of food, citizens are not sovereign. When so-called media managers are asked to remove or suspend journalists who tell the inconvenient truth, citizens are not sovereign. When a former BJP Chief Minister says if women dress a certain way, they are to be assaulted, citizens are not sovereign. When the BJP calls for economic boycott of Muslims, citizens are not sovereign. When voluntary interfaith marriages are called love jihad, citizens are not sovereign. When democratic institutions that are supposed to protect the citizens are subordinated to political power, citizens are not sovereign. The truth is; the BJP doesn’t understand constitutionalism. They only understand majoritarianism. And, majoritarianism is the enemy of constitutionalism. It is because of majoritarianism and that they don’t respect political diversity. States like Bengal have been denied funds since 2021. It is because of majoritarianism that today there is not a single Muslim Member in their Lok Sabha team in Parliament.… That is their majoritarianism, even though they say they are protecting Muslim women. It is because of majoritarianism that there were over 500 attacks on Christians. It is the majoritarian mindset that weaponizes the Enforcement Directorate and uses it to target the opposition eaders and once switch to the BJP are given washing machine! Sir, the Constitution gives sovereignty to the citizen. The Constitution gives sovereignty to the individual. The Constitution gives sovereignty to the people.

 

Md Nadimul Haque’s speech on ‘Secularism’, as mentioned in the Preamble, during the Special Discussion on the 75th anniversary of adoption of the Constitution of India

उपसभापति महोदय, आपका बहुत-बहुत शुक्रिया कि मुझे इस… सर, मुझे इस विषय पर बोलने के लिए अलग करने के लिए आपका बहुत-बहुत शुक्रिया सर,

यह वहीं ख़्वाब है, कोई और ही लाएगा,
जो हम को कहे, किसी ने कहा जाएगा।

सर, ऑल इंडिया तृणमूल कांग्रेस के 13 सदस्य राज्य सभा में मौजूद हैं। हममें से नौ सदस्य ऐ रिप्रेट थे और एक सदस्य मुसलमान वर्ग से हैं। हम मुसलमान परसन्स, मुसलिम कम्युनिटी, मुसलिम मंचबद, मुसलिमों अवगाह से ताल्लुक रखते हैं। लेकिन हम सब पहले हिंदुस्तानी हैं, इंडियन हैं। मेरे साथियों ने sovereignty, socialism, democracy, justice, liberty, equality and fraternity के मीनारों पर इज़हार-ए-ख़याल किया है। आज मैं secularism पर बात करूंगा और जोरिस तौर पे अभी ज़िक्र किया working secularism की शानदार मिसाल ऑल इंडिया तृणमूल कांग्रेस की टीम ने सबको दी। आज की इस कांस्टिट्यूएंट डे के 75 साल मुकम्मल होने पर और आज इस मौके पर मैं कांस्टिट्यूएंट डे पर इतना ज़रूर कहना चाहता हूं कि कांस्टिट्यूएंट के लिए उन लोगों का बहुत बड़ा योगदान रहा है,वे, वहक़ुबूर लोग थे, अब और लोग कांस्टिट्यूशन में मर्म को खत्म करने की कोशिश कर रहे हैं।सर, आज अगर हम किसी को शक की निगाह से देखेंगे, किसी के ऊपर शक की बुनियाद पर किसी को टारगेट करेंगे, किसी के निवास को डाउटफुल बना देंगे, तो उसका सबसे पहला असर नागरिकों की शारीरिक छवि के ऊपर पड़ता है, मन के ऊपर पड़ता है।और यही शख़्स अगर अपने बच्चों को यह बताएगा कि मेरे मां-बाप को इस तरह से आज़ाद मुल्क में शक की निगाह से देखा गया, तो वो बच्चा आज़ाद सोच और लोकतांत्रिक हो सकेगा क्या?मैंna सांसदों से सवाल है कि यह secularism किस दिशा में जा रहा है?आज एक कश्मीरी महबूब नहीं, एक कश्मीरी पंडित अगर अपने बुनियादी हक़, अपने कंस्टिट्यूशनल हक़, अपनी पहचान की बात करे, तो फॉरनर के शक़ में रखा जाता है, तो क्या अंदाज़ा लगाए कि हम एक मुल्क के अंदर और देशवासी में फर्क बता रहे हैं? इस साल हिंदुस्तान में नफरत के वाक़यातों में 60 प्रतिशत इज़ाफा हुआ है और 75 फ़ीसदी ऐसे वाक़यात, बीजेपी के ज़ेर-ए-इख़्तियार रियासतों, जैसे असम, गुजरात, मध्य प्रदेश और उत्तर प्रदेश से, हुए हुए हैं।
(व्यवधान)
सर, मैं यही सवालात सिर्फ हमारी कॉन्स्टिट्यूएंट वैल्यूज की तहफ्फुज़ के लिए नहीं, बल्कि हिंदुस्तान के सेक्युलर किरदार को बचाने के लिए भी उठाना चाहता हूँ।

جناب نذیر احمد لای (مغربی بنگال):
جناب، میں اِس موضوع پر بولنے کے لئے آپ کا شکر گزار ہوں۔

“سرور ہر دل خرامی نہ کرے گا قیام،
جو فِراق میں بھی خوش ہو، وہی عشق کا مقام ہے”

سر، آل انڈیا ترنمول کانگریس کے 13 معزز ممبرانِ راجیہ سبھا اس ایوان میں ہیں۔ ہم میں سے زیادہ تر پچھڑے ہوئے اور اقلیتی طبقات سے ہیں۔
ہم مسلمانوں کی نمائندگی کرتے ہیں۔
میرے رفقاء نے آج بہت سی باتوں کا ذکر کیا، خاص طور پر sovereignty, socialism, democracy, justice, liberty, equality and fraternity جیسے الفاظ کا۔

سیکولر ہے۔ MSME کی بات کرتے ہیں۔ مرکزی حکومت کی MSME کے متعلق کرنا ایک واضح مثال ہے کہ کن طرح اقلیتوں کو کچلا گیا ہے۔
MSME کا کہنا ہے کہ اگر کسی علاقے میں اقلیتی، خاص طور سے مسلمان اکثریت میں ہوں، تو انہیں نئے کاروبار کی تربیت دیجئے، انڈسٹریز میں قابل بنایئے، تاکہ وہاں سے غربت، بے روزگاری، کم تعلیمی نظام کو دور کیا جائے۔
لیکن، افسوس اس بات کا ہے کہ جس علاقے میں زیادہ تر مسلمان MSME سیکٹر میں کاروبار کرتے ہیں، وہاں پر سب سے زیادہ نقصان ہوا ہے۔
میں یہ کہنے میں بھی عار محسوس نہیں کرتا کہ MSME کے سہارے اقلیتوں کو کاروبار کے کسی میدان میں گھسنے نہیں دیا گیا، بلکہ ہراساں کیا گیا۔
دہلی کی دکانوں کو بند کروا کر، کچھ خاص طبقے کے لوگوں کی دکانوں کو بند کروا کر، لوگوں کو سڑکوں پر لاکر کھڑا کر دینا— یہ MSME نہیں ہے۔
یہ صرف کاروبار کے خلاف نہیں، بلکہ ایک خاص کمیونٹی کو ختم کرنے کی سوچ ہے۔

اسی سال ہندوستان میں 60 فیصد نفرت سے متعلقہ واقعات پیش آئے ہیں۔
اور 75 فیصد ایسے واقعات پیش آئے ہیں، جو ان ریاستوں میں ہوئے ہیں، جہاں بھارتیہ جنتا پارٹی کی حکومت ہے، جیسے کہ آسام، گجرات، مدھیہ پردیش اور اتر پردیش۔
میں یہ سوال صرف آئینی قدروں کے تحفظ کے لیے نہیں بلکہ ہندوستان کے سیکولر کردار کو بچانے کے لیے بھی اٹھا رہا ہوں۔۔۔

Mausam Benazir Noor’s speech on ‘Liberty’, as mentioned in the Preamble, during the Special Discussion on the 75th anniversary of adoption of the Constitution of India

Sir, on behalf of the All India Trinamool Congress, I would like to speak on the aspect of liberty, granted by our Constitution’s Preamble. Sir, where are we on the World Liberty Index? As we embark on the 75th year of our Constitution, it is disheartening to see India rank 159 out of 180 countries in the World Press Freedom Index, 2024. We are even behind war-torn Lebanon. Between 2014 and 2019, more than 200 serious attacks on journalists have occurred. This has suppressed the freedom of expression guaranteed in Article 19. Further, laws have been made for targeting inter-faith marriages and conversions, which breaches the freedom of religion, provided in Article 25, and right to privacy in Article 21. Recently, changes to Criminal Laws removed safeguard to limiting police custody to 15 days thus allowing fragmentation of police custody over 60 to 90 days, which increases the risk of custodial abuse and arbitrary detention. This undermines individual rights and violates protection against misuse of power and constitutional right to life, dignity and liberty. Moreover, Sir, the systematic misuse of legal provisions like UAPA and changes in custody laws compromises the right to a fair trial that has been provided in Article 22. Further, criminalisation of ‘Resisting, refusing, ignoring, or disregarding to conform to any direction given by a police officer’, infringes on the right against self-incrimination. Journalist Sidheeq Kappan was arrested for reporting on the rape of a Dalit woman in Hathras, Uttar Pradesh! He remained in custody for two years! Father Stan Swamy died in judicial custody. At the old age of 83, he was denied access to basic necessities like straw and sipper! These are just a few examples. There are hundreds more struggling for their rights. Sir, 200 journalists were targeted by the Government agencies, non-State political actors, criminals, and armed opposition groups in 2022. Of these, 100 journalists were under Government Officials’ radar. Thus, this really makes me wonder, what is the state of liberty in our country? Is this the concept of liberty that the Constituent Assembly had thought of? Is this the freedom that India was supposed to get at the stroke of midnight? Thank you.

Sushmita Dev’s speech on ‘Equality’, as mentioned in the Preamble, during the Special Discussion on the 75th anniversary of adoption of the Constitution of India

Sir, I think the shortest way to show our allegiance to the Constitution is our oath of allegiance, and we need not say furthermore. But, as a participant in this important debate, I wish to make a few points. We all must accept that the Constitution is a document of consensus which emanated from fearless and fierce debates. Different people had different opinions inside the Assembly and outside the Assembly and yet what we got is a Constitution which we all accept today. There is a stark contrast to what is happening inside Parliament and outside Parliament. We have all spoken about Dr. Ambedkar. And, I think, with Dr. Ambedkar in our hearts, we must remember his undelivered but published speech–‘The Annihilation of Caste’. He was a champion of removing inequalities and, therefore, I speak about right to equality in this country which is not an idea but it is a right, a right that every Government must guarantee. So, let us look at economic inequalities. Today, in India, 1 per cent of the country is controlling about 40 per cent of the wealth! Is that the kind of equality that our forefathers wanted? Sir, today, corporate loans are waived! But, farmers are struggling and reeling under the burden of loans. Today, the middle class is the worst impacted by tax burden, but we see that the taxation on corporates keep reducing because of the policies of this Government. Highly qualified students don’t compete for jobs. Today, they have to compete in stampedes. Now, let us come to the two most destructive policies of this Government which destroyed the informal economy. The first one is demonetization and the unplanned lockdown. We have seen what had happened between the haves and have-nots. There was a stark difference between them. Sir, next is social inequality. सर, यहां इतने लोगों ने भाषण दिया, लेकिन बीजेपी के एक भी सांसद ने मणिपुर पर नहीं बोला, एक भी सांसद ने नहीं बोला।Today, I say, while we are debating on the Constitution, which constitutional rights have you not suspended in Manipur? Liberty, Expression, Speech and everything has been suspended in Manipur.I stand here, as a Member of Parliament representing the North East, demanding the resignation of every MP from the North East and every Minister who is thumping their desk behind the Leader of the House.Today, while the Constituent Assembly debates are discussed, we, the citizens, are demanding to have equal debates. In Assam, the BJP is creating different classes of citizens with different rights. The NRC has become No Respite for Citizens. There is no equality in the way the NRC has been conducted. With these few words, I end my speech by saying that this is a Government which wants one election, one leader, one religion, because this is not what Ambedkarji wanted for this country. This is a fascist Government that is at play.

Mamata Thakur’s speech on ‘Republic of India’, as mentioned in the Preamble, during the Special Discussion on the 75th anniversary of adoption of the Constitution of India

Firstly, I would like to express my gratitude to you hon. Vice-Chairperson Sir. The first speaker from the All India Trinamool Congress, delivered speech on the “Judicial System” as delineated in the Constitution’s Preamble. Following this, the next speaker addressed another vital component of the Constitution Preamble: “We are citizens of India.” I aim to examine the third element from the Preamble of the Constitution: Democracy and the Republic. India is the world’s largest democracy, and the nation’s constitution was drafted by Dr. Bhimrao Ramji Ambedkar in his capacity as Chairman of the Drafting Committee. Mahapran Yogendra Nath Mandal of Bengal and the Matua Samaj of Bengal played a significant role in securing Dr. Ambedkar’s election to the Constituent Assembly. As a Bengali and a member of the Matua community, I take pride in this historical contribution. Strengthening the borders – Strengthening the borders of democracy is critical in today’s multi-faceted world. Encroachment on sovereign territory, attacks on troops, aggressive emigration and ongoing border skirmishes demand immediate attention. Of India’s 4,000 km. border with Bangladesh, West Bengal alone shares a 2,270 km. border with Bangladesh, which is more than that of the other four states combined. Recent incidents of violence against minorities and their places of worship in Bangladesh are deeply disturbing and highly condemnable. As we advocate for the security of minorities in Bangladesh, the Central Government should ensure the same security for minorities in India. However, the security of diplomats’ property must be prioritized to uphold international obligations! At the end of this discussion, the Prime Minister must come to the House and deliver his speech. The All-India Trinamool Congress believes in unity in diversity. I thank our leaders Mamata Bandhopadhyay and Abhishek Bandhopadhyay, and yourself for giving me the opportunity to participate in this historic discussion. Jai Bangla.

Derek O’Brien’s speech during the Special Discussion on the 75th anniversary of adoption of the Constitution of India

Sir, every Member of my Party has taken one word from the Preamble as a theme and spoken on it, on the Constitution. The Constitution is more than a book in a library. It is a living, breathing document on the streets of India. We have heard lots from 1940, 1950, 1960 and 1970, lots in the 40s and 50s, and good. History is always useful. But I wish to take you on the streets of this living, breathing document. Let me start with 1984. A young lawyer, a part-time milk booth attendant, a political activist in 1984 suddenly went to the United Nations within one year 1984-85. Why? It is because this Constitution gave that person a chance to be elected to the Lok Sabha. It was Rajiv Gandhi who gave her a ticket. Doesn’t matter bank account, doesn’t matter social status, but she got the ticket and, after that, went and represented India at the United Nations. There are many light-hearted stories about how she took her murmurah around because she still lives in that one room home in Kolkata. That was 1984 and the Constitution made that happen for her. In 1997, again, the Constitution, not in a library but, on the streets. The Congress party, she felt, was too close to the CPI(M). So, they had a Bengal seminar, big seminar in Bengal, of the Congress Party. They had it inside the stadium. This lady had her own conference outside the stadium. Five thousand people came inside the stadium. Fifty thousand people came outside the stadium. This is the Constitution on the streets. There are about 40-50 examples. I will just give you one more. And, that is fighting for farmers. All options had run out. So, she went on a 26-day hunger strike. This is a woman who has sent people like me to Parliament. Next time, you people here talk about women, listen to what this woman has to tell you. One is, Women’s Reservation Bill. You brought it. When will women come into Parliament? It is 2034. In my party, All India Trinamool Congress, out of our 43-44 MPs, 38 per cent of women are already in Parliament. This is the kind of a debate we should be having. Otherwise, it is screaming and shouting! What have you done for women in Parliament? In the last Lok Sabha, it was 14.5 per cent. This Lok Sabha, you brought it down to 13.5 per cent! Don’t talk to us about women. I am glad you took a good idea from a State –State health card, Swasthya Sathi and, two years later, you turned it into Ayushman Bharat. Good. But, the health card in Bengal is in the name of the woman of the house. And, under Lakshmir Bhandar, Rs. 1,200-1,500 given to women, I welcome that the idea started by Mamata Banerjee in Bengal many years ago has now been copied by multiple States. Very good! But, see your arrogance! On a day where we are debating the Constitution of India, your hubris makes you bring a Bill to amend the Constitution at 12 noon! Bring it, we will fight you. We will defeat you; on the One-Nation-One-Election. And you are bringing this Bill. For heaven’s sake, you cannot conduct one election in one State in one phase. You need seven phases! I will give you examples. You can’t conduct one election in one constituency! You need two different days. Sir, it has been a 30-hour debate. There are one lakh forty-six thousand words in the Constitution. I want to talk about three important words which are not in the Constitution. Very important. And, let us reflect. Federalism! As per your view, you say, cooperative federalism. Your view is PF, not ‘provident fund’ but ‘political federalism’. What do you say? You say, ‘We don’t like you. We can’t defeat you. So, what we will do? We will block MGNREGA funds and we will block Awas Yojana funds.’ It doesn’t matter. We brought our own funds to pay in Bengal. You will do this. It is because double engine is an unconstitutional concept. We spend so much time on words, words, words. I want to pause for 10 seconds and give my 10 seconds for everyone, through you, Sir, to introspect. Think about it. Federalism! Second word not mentioned in the Constitution – ‘media.’ And, we have all the respect for journalists; all of them, not mentioned in the Constitution. I want to use this platform of Parliament to ask the 10 biggest media owners. You are watching this, I hope. The ten biggest media owners! Don’t give me examples of 1975 in the Emergency. No! The ten big media owners, you are the billionaires. The next seven seconds are for you. In silence, reflect, and introspect. And the third word not mentioned in the Constitution, which is very important, is the ‘Opposition’. It is not mentioned in the Constitution. It is the very basic rule. The Opposition must have its say. We do not have the numbers here. The Government will have its way. It is as simple as that. So allow us to have our say. I am happy that the hon. Home Minister is here because sometimes, the Opposition is not in Parliament. Let me give you two examples. One, unanimous resolution passed in the Bengal Assembly to fast track a Bill for the safety of the women who are raped, the Aparajita Bill. And the second example is to change the name of the State to ‘Bangla’. Where are these Bills? The Governor’s office – deep freeze. After that, it comes to high constitutional office. I have no problem with the high constitutional office, not at all, because the high constitutional office will only act on the advice of Mr. Modi, Mr. Shah, the Home Minister, the Cabinet. I want the high constitutional office or those advising on these issues of the Opposition to reflect. Sir, reflection is difficult. Reflection has to be in silence. So, don’t hassle me when I am speaking. Then, the Farm Bills. What happened on that? I have got 30 examples of the Parliament. I will take one. Sir, 146 MPs were thrown out for another Bill, Criminal law Bills. There is an enabling act of the Nazis that they brought there in 1933. Read that because that also gives you similarity. But come to the Farm Bills. What happened to the Farm Bills? The Opposition objected. Why? It is because we wanted voting on the Bills. What happened when the Opposition objected? Everyone got suspended. The videos went out. “Oh! The Opposition was dancing or moving around on the tables!” My question is: When you repealed the Farm Bills, you quietly sat down and repealed the Farm Bills. Why did not you allow the Opposition to debate that subject when you repealed those Bills? Allow us. Sir, in all this, some of these explanations will not be understood because there are parties like mine led by Mamata Banerjee and the people of Bengal. You try and get us in Bengal, every time out of ten seats, you lose three, we win eight. So, you are stuck with that. Sir, we will not allow this Parliament to ever become an RSS shakha. Never! We will fight for it. But I want to end on a celebratory note, on a happy note. I have stayed only with the Constitution. And when I started, I said that the Constitution is more than a book in the library. It is a living, breathing document on the streets, and I know these streets of Kolkata, of every district in Bengal. Sir, I will end with a story. It is a reality. There is a Jewish bakery in Kolkata where a week away from Christmas,– there must be about 4,000-5,000 Jews in India — the Jewish bakery makes delicious Christmas cakes. All the 300 bakers in that Jewish bakery belong to one community. They are all Muslims, each one of them. And about a week before Christmas, there are long lines outside the bakery, and if you go and ask the people in those lines, they will tell you, “Bhaskar, Reema, Arun”. It does not matter, they are all Indians, but they are in that line in that Jewish bakery. Eighty per cent are Hindus. … Sir, I will take one more minute. And, what are they celebrating? A Christian festival! Sir, I want to conclude by saying, come to Bengal. Come at the end of March. Now, you can come and celebrate Christmas. Come at the end of March to line up on Red Road and watch the Eid prayers. Or, mark the date, on the 30th of April, come to Digha to see the beautiful new Jagannath Temple. Thank you, Sir.

Samirul Islam’s speech centred on ‘Democracy’, as mentioned in the Preamble, during the Special Discussion on the 75th anniversary of adoption of the Constitution of India

Sir, India is the largest democracy in the world. Thank you for giving me the opportunity to speak on the 75th anniversary of the Constitution. At the beginning of the Constitution, written on November 26, 1949, the words are ‘We the People of India.’ There is a word in our constitution – democracy and this democracy is in question today. According to the Economic Intelligence Unit, India’s democracy score has fallen sharply in the last few years. The decline in democratic institutions and the crackdown on civil liberties are the reasons for this downfall. India’s global ranking has fallen from 27 in 2014 to 46 in 2021. The number of suspensions of opposition MPs has increased 13 times in the last five years. Despite allegations of sexual harassment, communal incitement, and security breaches, no BJP MP has been suspended in the last ten years. Baba Saheb Bhimrao Ambedkar wrote this Constitution with the main goal of realizing the demand for equal rights for all people; free from exploitation, discrimination and inequality. But, sometimes I feel whether we will be able to hold and maintain this Constitution, which is our pride and honour. Our Parliament building is the sacred temple of the people, the mosque, the church, or the Gurudwara. I would like to read Article 67 (b) which says, “A VicePresident may be removed from his office by a resolution of the Council of States passed by a majority of all the then members of the Council and agreed to by the House of the people.” If an attempt is made to suppress the opposition voice in this way within the Parliament and outside, the rights under the Constitution throughout the country will seem like a mirage to the common people. Atrocities against religious minorities, tribals, Scheduled Castes, and indigenous people are increasing. The Adivasis are complaining for a long time that their religious code, Sarna Code is not being recognized. Recently, a High Court judge said that the country would run according to the will of the majority. Is this the law! It seems that a judge who is the protector of the Constitution, is talking like a separatist. Look at the planned violence in Sambhal, Uttar Pradesh, in the name of the Jama Masjid survey, and four minority youths were killed. This is the state of affairs in the country! The Chief Minister of Uttar Pradesh has raised a new slogan, instead of development – “Batenge to Katenge.” In this way, the divisive politics is being played against the people. We must remember that the divisive politics never brings about improvement in any country. Slogan is “Batenge to Katenge.”

Prakash Chik Baraik’s speech on ‘Socialism’ in the Preamble during the Special Discussion on the 75th anniversary of adoption of the Constitution of India

Thank you respected Deputy Chairman, Sir, for giving me this opportunity.मैं आज भारत के संविधान के ऊपर हो रही चर्चा में अपनी पार्टी ऑल इंडिया तृणमूल कांग्रेस की ओर से बोलने के लिए खड़ा हुआ हूं। सर, मैं यहां जो खड़ा हूं, वह भारत के संविधान की वजह से खड़ा हूं और मेरे राज्य की मुख्यमंत्री सुश्री ममता बनर्जी के आशीर्वाद से खड़ा हूं। मान्यवर, मैं जिस जगह से आता हूं, वह जगह एक चाय बागान है एवं मैं चाय बागान के वर्कर का बेटा हूं। बंगाल में मुझे first time किसी ने opportunity दी, तो माननीय मुख्यमंत्री ममता दीदी ने दी। सर, संविधान को लेकर जो debates, discussion हो रहा है, मैं कई points को लेकर अपना वक्तव्य देना चाहता हूं। सरकार कानून बनाती है, नीति बनाती है, implement करती है, amendment करती है। इसका effect भारत में रहने वाले 140 करोड़ आबादी के ऊपर होता है। Government ने health insurance के ऊपर GST लगाया। GST लगने के बाद middle class को बहुत वित्तीय भार पड़ा। यह Government को समझना चाहिए।सर, पिछले तीन वर्षों में industrial sector के लिए केवल ₹5.65 लाख करोड़ रुपये का निवेश किया गया। अगर देखा जाए, तो यह कृषि क्षेत्र की तुलना में लगभग छह गुना से अधिक है। भारत कृषि प्रधान देश है और गरीब समुदाय के लिए कृषि सबसे महत्वपूर्ण क्षेत्र है।अब पढ़ेलिखे युवा बेरोजगार हैं। Graduate एवं post-graduate युवक बेरोजगार हैं, ये education सेक्टर पर भी सवाल उठाता है। अब तो सरकार ने नौकरी देने से भी हाथ खड़े कर दिए हैं।सर, मैं महिलाओं को लेकर भी बोलना चाहता हूं। हमारे यहां, MSME सेक्टर में महिलाएं काम करती हैं।सरकार कहती है ये एक MSME फ्रेंडली व्यवस्था, सरकार यह दिखाना चाहती है कि उनका सरकार व्यवसायों में विश्वास रखती है।मान्यवर, महंगाई की बात करूं, तो inflation दर लगातार बढ़ रही है। October, 2024 में food inflation 14 महीने में उच्चतम स्तर 11 प्रतिशत था, जबकि January, 2024 एवं November, 2024 में food inflation 8.11 प्रतिशत रहा। मेडिकल सेक्टर में inflation 12 प्रतिशत तक पहुंच गया है एवं October में fuel inflation 8.4 प्रतिशत रहा।सर, 2011 की जनगणना के बाद जनगणना नहीं हुई है। यह भी सरकार मानवू के लिए federal structure के country चलाती है, लेकिन 2011 के जनगणना आधार को अब भी उठाते जा रही है। पश्चिम बंगाल के fund को रोका जाता है.. अगर संक्षेप रूप में देखा जाए…जो fertilizer की demand 4.5 लाख टन थी, लेकिन केंद्र सरकार ने 2.23 लाख टन आवंटन किया। इससे खेती बाधित हुई, फसल में उत्पादन की बहुत समस्या आई। पिछले वर्ष के मुकाबले इस वर्ष खेती की जोत में सबसे ज़्यादा उत्पादन था लेकर ओवरऑल हमने कम उत्पादन का रिजल्ट भी देखा है।मान्यवर, GDP घट रहली मालूम पड़़ सर, देश में GDP का steady गिरावट स्तर 5.2 percentage से लेकर liability 2013-14 में 3.9 थी, वह 2022-23 में बढ़कर 5.78 हो गई। GDP को ध्यान दें, ये सबसे महत्वपूर्ण मुद्दा है। भारत मां का प्रधानमंत्री गरीबों के बारे में सोचते हैं, तभी गरीबों की बात सही सुनी जाती है। धन्यवाद।

Dola Sen’s speech on ‘We the People of India’ during the Special Discussion on the 75th anniversary of adoption of the Constitution of India

Thank you Vice-Chairman, Madam. Thanks to our hon. Leader and my Party, All India Trinamool Congress, for giving me this chance to speak on Constitution of India. I will try to deliver my speech in my mother-tongue Bangla. ”Madam Vice Chairperson, we have decided from All India Trinamool Congress that all our MPs will talk about the various points in the preamble of the Constitution. After Saket’s Justice or Nyay, my point is “We the people of India’’ for AITC, the All India Trinamool Congress. We the people of India, we are jana-gana. Who are they? Who are we, the people of India? We, the People of India, mean those labourers, migrant workers, who had to walk thousands of miles following the sudden lockdown announced by the Union Government in the wake of COVID pandemic. They walked, they died and they got washed away in the Ganges. They were burnt on the banks of Ganges so that no one knows about COVID. We, the People of India, mean those fellow citizens who died homeless standing in bank queues after the suddenly announced demonetization but not a single rupee of black money was recovered. We, the People of India, are our more than 850 farmer friends, brothers and sisters, who were legally and peacefully protesting against the antifarmer Farm Act at the Delhi border, and who lost their lives in brutal attacks by police backed by Union Government. The farmers still have not got the Minimum Support Price (MSP) even though the Prime minister had promised it. We, the People of India, are our 59 lakh MGNREG Job Card workers, who, toiled for their hard earned crores of rupees for two years, are still awaiting the release of the same from the Union Government whereas three years have already passed. We, the People of India, are our unfortunate mothers, brothers and sisters of Manipur who, for the last one and a half years, have been facing the burning issue homelessly. Even though the mothers and sisters survived in any way, the Prime Minister did not go to meet them even though they were desperate. We, the People of India, are the 10 crore ordinary people of our Bengal, who were deprived by the Union Government by taking the money of the State and not returning their shares. We, the People of India, are the 25 percent youth of our population who are jobless, unemployed. Two crore jobs were promised in a year, and 20 crore jobs in ten years but the same did not not happen despite PM’s promise. We, the People of India, are our lakhs of our labour employees, who have lost their jobs due to disinvestment, corporatization, and it comprised even those who had cleared up exams to join profitable PSUs and public enterprises, and the youth are still to get the benefit of Old Pension Scheme. We, the People of India, are those countrymen who have to bear the 10 % increase in the food prices to feed his family. We, the People of India, are the brothers and sisters from the indigenous waterforest land, who have to survive with their families despite having a very low income. Dalit friends, brothers and sisters from the minority community are still lagging behind the rest of us. They are deprived of all rights including education even after 75 years of Independence in this Viksit Bharat. We, the People of India, are our common people who own 50% of the wealth of our 1% population. Most of the rest of the people have to struggle a lot. In today’s Vikisit Bharat with acche din, we, the People of India, are our outstanding fighter Mamata Banerjee. She had to struggle a lot in her early days. A mass leader Mamata Banerjee and her grassroot workers, who always remain pro-people against the antipeople policies of this Union Government, and they keep fighting for – We, the People of India. They keep fighting inside Parliament and outside in the field. We, the People of India, believe, man is above all of us, and truth is not above him. So man dies fighting and, in the end, he does not have the last word in the final judgement.”