Author: aitc

Sir, thank you for giving me this opportunity. We have heard a lot of talk about rising above politics. But, for the last half-an-hour, all I heard was a level of politics that would rather suit the Delhi Legislative Assembly–I respect it–more than this House. Be that as it may, we have risen to–because we are duty bound to–stand up for federalism that holds this country together, in spite of whatever some temporary occupants of power may think they have. This country has essentially survived on the spirit of heterogeneity. Don’t go in for homogeneity; don’t go in for trampling; don’t go in for one-way-decisions. The very decision that you have taken or about to take or asking us to
endorse is the one that speaks of control. The former speaker, Mr. Singhvi, has already mentioned about these things. In 2011, after several discussions, three bodies were trifurcated out of the Municipal Corporation of Delhi. You know that and I know that. The hon. Home Minister, who has included the topic of not speaking on politics only, mentions that they have a revenue deficit. Fair enough. If one has a revenue deficit of two, the other has a revenue deficit of three and the third has a revenue deficit of four. If you add them together, you get minus two, minus three, minus four, minus nine! Where to get the positive from? Administration has been my occupation. So, I would know that just making reunification of three desperate bodies that were split for an administrative reason doesn’t confer
ipso facto any virtue of revenue stability. That is my first point. The second, I would say, is a question of compactness of administration. Do I take this as a hint that you would not go in for splitting of unwieldy States, that you would not go in for splitting of unwieldy administration that you are back to control through large unwieldy and unmanageable bodies? You can provide the answer. Talking of size, the Kolkata Municipal Corporation and the Brihan-Mumbai Municipal Corporation are larger in size. But, we have been managing and we are managing. So, don’t bring in size there. The sum and substance of what I have understood is that you desire to postpone the elections. That is all. Because once you go in for a step like this, it will go in for delimitation and that delimitation will take you eighteen months. Therefore, effectively you are bringing a municipal issue into a national issue because, exactly two years from today, you will be facing a national consensus and a national referendum. So, I would submit that we do not break down every institution that we have just for retention of power. When we talked about it, I mentioned about one institution, the Director of Local Bodies. The present Act has a Director of Local Bodies as some sort of an over-watch. In the Amendment, you are wiping out the post of Director of Local Bodies without explanation. Even on revenue, you have not provided an explanation, but just a one-liner saying that ‘revenue is deficit’. I would submit, Sir, even if you have to tamper with institutions, please go in for an explanation as to why you did away with it. Maybe you have some valid reason, but you need to be more elaborate, more transparent. There is a talk that 272 seats would be compacted into 250. Clause 5(5) mentions that the Central Government will decide the number of seats to be decided by the Government of India. The overwhelming presence of a Government,
that the Central Government in the Delhi Municipal Corporation Act, is unbearably omnipresent. It is there everywhere. It does not speak the spirit of local body, its autonomy, its spontaneity, its vibrancy of local decision making, not thrusting down from the top. This is what hurts us and my party sincerely believes in it. Having spoken on the number of seats, as I said, it is not 250. Let us come out openly and say, tomorrow if the Central Government decides to make it 370, it can make it. You are keeping that empowering provision. Sir, we are in 2022 when there has been so much talk of the scourge, the curse of scavenging, scavenging and waste disposal. There has been one word on scavenging. That’s all. Scavenging and waste disposal should have been occupied because the spirit of this Act would be copied in other parts of India and you should have provided a model even if you had political compulsions going for it. There is nothing about scavenging, nothing about the curse of scavenging. You have
provided for e-Governance. E-Governance, Sir will be happening anyway, whether you provide for it or not. When you merge all these bodies, what happens is, you bring in different cadres. They are humans; they are families. When you bring them together, all this seniority and juniority and other things get in. Morale gets affected; motivations get affected. When you are amalgamating banks, you don’t know, it will take you ten years for the issues to be sorted out. An hon. Member mentioned about Rs. 12,000 crores. My account says that there is a Rs. 11,800 crore running deficit. That is what is required, a bail-out package, for whoever runs the Government. It doesn’t matter. It is for the citizens of Delhi in spite of all the faults that it has. The total liability is Rs. 11,800 crores. When will the package come? Is it tied to this deal? That is what we would like to know. I repeat, we got up primarily because the Delhi Assembly was not consulted. My party sincerely believes in consulting with every elected body at every level. We may take their opinion or not, but we need to consult them. I would like to give you just a few examples, because they strengthen what we have said. Even in Covid, we had prepared an Act. I was also part of the preparation once
upon a time. The NDMA Act was brought in as if it was a weapon that could be utilised for the totalisation of power. That is not the correct attitude. The initial faltering that we made, the mistakes that we made as a nation arises
from the mentality of control, control-freak as somebody put it. Even in Covid, there was no consultation at all, when the lockdown was imposed. At every level, at every step, shows an arrogance, if I may put it, shows an uncaring attitude for the sensitivities of others, for regions, for States as if just a pack of people sitting in Delhi, including bureaucrats, would determine the fate of every mohalla of Delhi. No, Sir, this will not do. When the BSF rules were extended to all States, no consultation was made. This is another thing. Draconian laws and regulations are sought to be expanded at the expense and by contraction of space available for individual, society, local Government and
the State Government. That is my submission. Sir, even the Enforcement Directorate and the CBI are regularly used as weapons to summon, humiliate and hegemonize over others. It is happening all the time. Even in Delhi, I would submit, …  Sir, I will take half a minute and wrap it up. The submission that I have, as an outsider to this politics of Delhi, is that this is only a ploy to postpone elections and that is dependent upon the prospect of their victory. So, don’t treat the National Capital as just a trump card in your politics. I oppose the Bill, Sir. Thank you.

Sir, I am on a point of order “A Member, while speaking, shall not refer to any matter or fact on which a judicial decision is pending; make a personal proceedings of the Houses or any State Legislature; reflect on any determination of the Council except on a motion for rescinding it; reflect upon the conduct of persons in high authority unless the discussion is based on a substantive motion drawn in proper terms.” …(Interruptions).. This should be expunged, Sir. …(Interruptions).. This is to be expunged, sir. …(Interruptions)..

Sir, I rise today to oppose the Chartered Accountants, the Cost and Works Accountants and the Company Secretaries (Amendment) Bill. I also thank my Party for giving me an opportunity to speak on this important Bill. Let me begin by pointing out, on behalf of the All India Trinamool Congress, that something fundamental has changed in how our Parliament functions. While this particular Bill has been scrutinised by the Standing Committee, the scrutiny percentage of Bills in general has fallen. In the 15th Lok Sabha, it was 71 per cent. In the 16th Lok Sabha, it dropped to 25 per cent. What is the number now? In the 17th Lok Sabha, as of December, 2021, it was a dismal 13 per cent. My question is: Is the Government taking Parliament for granted? This Government is not allowing discussions on national issues which are affecting the masses such as the burning issues of price rise. Bills such as these are important to ensure prevention of white collar crimes and high value fraud, but what about the loot happening to the common people today in the name of fuel price hikes? It is a shameful burden on their livelihoods.  More shameful is that we, as their elected representatives, are prevented from speaking on it in Parliament. …(Interruptions)… I would like to state the grounds as to why I rise to oppose this Bill. One, this Amendment Bill proposes a radical change in the composition of the bodies which regulate the functioning of important members of the financial sector. This Bill proposes that the presiding officer of disciplinary boards formed will be a Government nominee and not a member of the institutes. In case an additional board is formed by any of the three committees, the presiding officer and one of the two members must not be members of the institutes, and will be chosen from a roster of persons provided by the Government. Not only does this allow for non-sector experts to influence the functioning of an industry-specific
institute, but also gives the Union Government the power to interfere in the matters of a trade body. This is in direct contradiction to one of the Government’s favourite achievements – Ease of doing business. What happened to the 2014 promise of “Minimum Government, Maximum Governance”? The inclusion of non-domain experts into the body and as the president is detrimental to both quality and morale. While there have been instances of accounting fraud, bringing in an outsider to regulate the sector may lead to situations where the outsider has no expertise and is
unable to understand and suitably check fraud. Sir, my second point is, the Bill does not address the issue of ICAI’s
whimsical censoring. In the recent past, ICAI has used the penal provisions to arbitrarily censor the content that some chartered accountants posted on social media. The new Bill does not address this issue. A suitable middle
ground must be reached between the need to regulate by the Government and to prevent overreach by the members, and the need for domain expertise in regulating such a technical field. In other technical institutions such as the Bar Council of India too, the members are from the field. The Government however, seems to be making a habit of stepping into expert fields, as it has done with the National Medical Commission. While Government-nominated members can provide requisite regulatory oversight, there must be a way of ensuring that they are people with the
necessary domain expertise. Sir, my third point is, the Bill provides for disclosure of pending complaints or actionable information against members and firms. Disclosing details of pending complaints before finding guilt may tarnish their professional reputation and goes against the first principle of grievance redressal that complaints be evaluated and acted upon in a free and fair manner. Any premature disclosure is not only against the judicial decisionmaking process, but also an open invitation to unethical interference. We can’t be living in a country where we shoot first and ask questions later. We live with the rule of law, where people are presumed innocent until proven
guilty. This should apply in financial cases as much as in criminal ones. Sir, I would like to end with one last comment. The ICAI had criticised the Chartered Accountants Act, 1949 for leaving the definition of ‘other
misconduct’ open-ended, calling this terminology vague. The present Amendment does not address the ambiguity of this definition. If anything, the proposed changes widen the scope of said ambiguity as any matter could easily be categorised as ‘misconduct’, and now the Government’s nominees are in the body to nudge it towards taking this interpretation. The absence of clearly defined parameters coupled with the Government’s presence within the Institute could set a dangerous precedent for obscure and intrusive functioning. I conclude by asking the Centre what really their policy is. Is it minimum Government and maximum governance, or maximum Government and zero governance? Thank you.

Sir, in the reply given regarding COVID vaccination, the Health Ministry has categorically accepted that we are still far away from getting all the eligible citizens vaccinated by double dose. I am not here to give discredit to the Government, as the speakers from the Treasury Benches are busy in giving credit to the present Government even during Question Hour. But, I am here to raise a specific question. We have been listening to several promises during the COVID vaccination. We have seen there was a sharp rise in COVID vaccination on International Yoga Day; we have seen there was a sharp rise in COVID vaccination on the birthday of our learned Prime Minister, followed by sharp fall in vaccination. …(Interruptions)… Sir, I am coming to my question. My question, which is a long-standing question in the minds of the people at large in the country, is this. Earlier we used to hear that by 31st of December 2021, all eligible citizens will be vaccinated by double dose, forget about the booster dose. …(Interruptions)… Can the hon. Minister give a specific date by which all the eligible Indian citizens will be vaccinated by double dose?

Sir, I want to ask one straight question. Every time we ask such a question, the Government says that ‘Health’ is a State Subject, ‘Death’ is a State Subject, issue of Life Certificate is somebody else’s responsibility! मȅसाफ-साफ समझने की कोिशश कर रहा हूँ िक is the division between ‘death’ and ‘life’, between ‘good’ and ‘bad’, according to the federal system, is the division between States and Centre? What is it all about? You also say the same thing on education. So, give me a straight answer.

Sir, I wish to raise an issue that concerns the entire nation in the sense that all of you are aware that Thalassemia is a disease that can cause havoc to a family. The second thing about Thalassemia is that while a lot of money has to be spent by hapless parents for giving blood transfusion to their children, it is they who have passed it on to the child as dormant careers. Now, this is one thing; a nation that has controlled Polio, a nation that has eradicated Smallpox, a
nation that has taken so many salutary steps in the direction of health, may kindly wake up to the minimum requirement in controlling Thalassemia and that is insistence on a blood test by every intending couple. We can do it.
Before marriage, we check the age and we go in for so many measures. So to control this deadly disease of Thalassemia, I would submit — while you can make it mandatory, people cannot afford it because it costs between
Rs.500 to Rs.1,000 — that if the nation could have afforded subsidization or even free treatment of Covid vaccines, the nation can come forward in the interest of Thalassemia, which is affecting and causing havoc to so many
families, to go in for a mandatory check through a subsidized centre. That is all, Sir. You do that and Thalassemia would recede like Smallpox. Thank you, Sir.

Sir, your good self is the champion for promotion of Indian regional languages. So, with your kind permission, I would like to speak in Bengali. I have informed them. He is there. Sir, the London Tube Railway Authority has recently put up a signboard at its Whitechapel station in Bengali language along with English. It has been done as many Bengali-speaking people live around Whitechapel area. It is not only recognition of the pride of Bengali language but this decision is also recognition of the thousand-year old Indian language, its dignity and its international glory.Sir, I wish to apprise the Central Government, through you, that there are many Central Government establishments in our State and they display signboards in English and Hindi; we do not have objection to that. There is no objection if the signboards are displayed in English or Hindi, but I request that the signboards should also be displayed in Bengali language along with English and/or Hindi. I also request the Central Government through you, Sir that the Metro Railway stations which will come up in the future in West Bengal may display the signboards in Bengali language along with English and/or Hindi. Thank you, Sir.

सर, आपका बहुत-बहुत शुि�या। िपछलेदो साल सेकोिवड की वजह सेहज या�ा नहीं हो पाई है। 2020 और 2021 मेंइंटरनेशनल
हज नहीं हुआ। सर, अब जब ऐसा लगता हैिक िक हालात मालूम पर आ रहेहैं, तो मुझे उम्मीद हैिक इस साल या�ी हज अदा कर सकें गे। सर, यह लगातार तीसरा साल है िक आज़मीन यानी याि�यों नेफॉमर् भरकर जमा कर िदया है, मगर िमिनस्�ी ऑफ माइनॉिरटी अफे यसर्, MoMA, यह बतानेसेक़ािसर हैिक िंहदुस्तान सेहज 2022 की अदायगी होगी या नहीं। सारेलोग एक ग़ैर यकीनी सूरत-ए-हाल के िशकार हैं। िपछली हज कमेटी की िमयाद के ख़ात्मेके बाद नई कमेटी की तशकील नहीं की गई थी, लेिकन िसफर् और िसफर् सु�ीम कोटर् की िहदायत के बाद यकू म अ�ैल, Gazette of India, इसमें1 अ�ैल, अ�ैल फू ल्स डेको … ٓپ کا بہت بہت شکری ہ۔ ِ پچھلے دو سال سے کووڈ
جناب ندیم الحق (مغرب ی بنگال): سر، ا
کی وجہ سے حج ی اترا نہ ی ں ہوپائی ہے۔ 2020 اور 2021 م ی ں انڻرنی شنل حج نہی ں ہو ۔ سر،
ٓرہے ہ ی ں تو مجھے ام ی د ہے کہ اس سال ی اتری
اب جب ای سا لگتا ہے کہ حالات معمول پر ا
حج ادا کرسکی ں گے۔
سر ی ہ لگاتار ت ی سرا سال ہے کہ عازم ی ن یعنی ی اتریوں نے فارم بھر کرجمع کردی ا ہے
ٓف مائنارڻ ی افئ ی رس MoMA ی ہ بتانے سے قاصر ہے کہ ہندستان سے حج
مگر منسڻری ا
2022 ک ی ادائ یگی ہوگ ی ی ا نہ ی ں۔ سارے لوگ ایک غیری ق ی نی صورت حال کے شکار ہ ی ں۔
پچھلی حج کم یڻ ی کے م ی عاد کے خاتمے کے بعد نئی کم یڻ ی کی تشکیل نہی ں ک ی گئی
تھ ی۔ صرف اور صرف سپر ی م کورٹ ک ی ہدایت کے بعد ی کم اپریل یعنی اپریل فول ڈے کو
ٓئ ی۔
India of Gazette The کی تشکیل عمل م ی ں ا �ी सभापित : नदीमुल हक जी, आपकी िडमांड क्या है? …(व्यवधान)… इश्यूके साथ
न्याय करना चािहए। �ी मो. नदीमुल हक : सर, मैंबता रहा हूं। एक नई कमेटी का गठन हुआ है। कमेटी में 11 मेम्बसर्को नॉिमनेट िकया गया है।
جناب ندیم الحق (مغرب ی بنگال): سر، م ی ں بتارہا ہوں۔ ا ی ک نئ ی کمیڻی کی تشکیل ہوئ ی ہے،
کم ی ڻی می ں گ ی اره ممبران کو نامزد کی ا گی ا ہے۔
�ी मो. नदीमुल हक (�मागत) : सर, राज्य सभा सेभी सैयद जफर इस्लाम साहब को नॉिमनेट िकया गया। इस कमेटी में कु छ खािमयां रह गई हैं। इसमें चार ज्वाइंट  से�ेटरीज़ हैं, उनको वोट देनेका अिधकार नहीं हैऔर जो नौ मेम्बसर् िरयासतों से, अलग-अलग स्टेट्स सेचुनकर आतेहैं, उनका अभी तक इलेक्शन होना बाकी है।
جناب محمد ندیم الحق: سر، راجی ہ سبھا سے بھ ی سی د ظفراسلام صاحب کو بھی نامن یٹ کی ا
گی ا۔ اس کمیڻ ی می ں کچھ خام ی اں ره گئ ی ہے۔ اس می ں چار جوائنٹ سکریڻریز ہ ی ں، ان کو
ٓتے ہی ں، ان کا
ووٹ د ی نے کا حق نہی ں، اور جو نو ممبر ی استوں سے، الگ الگ چن کر ا
ابھی تک الی کشن ہونا باقی ہے۔
�ी सभापित : आपको हज या�ा चािहए या इलेक्शन चािहए। �ी मो. नदीमुल हक : सर, यह मेरा सुझाव है।
جناب محمد ندیم الحق: سر، ی ہ میرا سجھاؤ ہے ۔
�ी सभापित : माननीय मं�ी जी। …(व्यवधान)… प्लीज़। �ी मो. नदीमुल हक : सर, आप मेरा सुझाव सुन लीिजए।
ٓپ م ی را سجھاؤ سن لی جئے۔
جناب محمد ندیم الحق: سر، ا
�ी सभापित : आपनेअभी तक बाकी िवषयों पर बात कही हैऔर अब कह रहेहैंिक सुझाव सुन लीिजए। �ी मो. नदीमुल हक : सर, मैंसुझाव देरहा हूं। جناب محمد ندیم الحق: سر، م ی ں سجھاؤ دے رہا ہوں۔